INTRODUCTION

 

          Since time in memorial, the problematic of freedom has been at the centre of discussion of many people. This arose as a result of different phenomenon man was observing in his surroundings. Hence some of the various questions he was posing were whether he is living a free life or a determined one? Whether his life has no other purposes than to follow moral laws traced by the society? Whether he can live contrary to the natural laws? etc. Following the course of history, freedom can to be a complex concept, extended to diverse areas, which a single definition cannot satisfy.   

My motive in this kind of enterprise arises form my impression that the dignity of the human person and the responsibility of human freedom when it comes to the point of expression are somehow minimized or obscured. Many cases happened and still happen proving indeed that there is a crisis of freedom of expression in many places in the world. We should refer to the twenty years that passed after the cruel First World War and the later revelation of Nazi and Soviet concentration camps. Moreover, we still cannot forget the oppression of freedom of world dimension, perhaps the ugliest of all time, which happened in our own lifetime.

            To accommodate the topic at hand, the paper is divided into three chapters. In the first chapter, the hermeneutic method has been employed to sort out some points showing how the notion of freedom was conceived in general from the classical period up to the contemporary period. In doing so the paper will emphasize some prominent figures in the history of philosophy in accordance with the period in which they lived. In the second chapter the historical analysis method has been employed to trace Mill’s freedom of expression. Freedom of expression should be understood as the right of each individual to express his thoughts without any interference. The third chapter comprises a synthetic formulation from the two chapters.

The attitude, which undermines the importance of freedom of expression for human development, is extremely important in our African situation and more particularly in Democratic Republic of Congo. People lack freedom of expression and their free expression is stifled by their poverty and by autocratic regimes. This is one of the reasons, which makes my research necessary to enlighten me on freedom of expression.

The main sources in this paper have been the works of Stuart Mill especially: On Liberty, Utilitarianism and Political Philosophy of Mill. Other books and commentaries have been used for better clarity on the topic. I accept to be criticised by any one who will find the topic very interesting and I think he may say much more than I do.


1. General Understanding of Freedom

 

          Generally speaking, the main concern of this chapter will focus on the general understanding of the concept freedom, which may be conveniently divided into: Classical Period, Medieval Period, Modern Period and Contemporary Period. This chapter will try to show the various meaning of freedom according to different philosophers from classical period up to Contemporary period. In Classical period: Plato and Aristotle; in Medieval period: Augustine and Thomas Aquinas; in Modern period: Descartes and Kant; and in Contemporary period J.P Sartre. In fact since the beginning of the history of philosophy, the notion of freedom was very complex and general. Let us discover it in the following paragraphs.

 

1.1 Freedom in classical Period

 

  Plato (428-348)

 

          Plato did not speak really about freedom in an explicit sense. But in reading some philosophers of this period, we find some notions that could correspond to freedom. Plato was impressed by the idea of servitude that was seen as liberation internal to man. “Freedom was the fulfilment of the reasoning subject by the internal domination of reason.”[1] Man possesses the rational capacity, which helps him to reach freedom. Plato, in speaking about the rational capacity that makes man free distinguishes between the classes. And this distinction of social classes made people to be different from each other. Such kind of distinction shows us clearly that people were not free themselves. Some were considered as the best and more important than others who had a considerably greater right of expression than others.    They had even more power than the other.

In Plato’s conception of society, women were not considered with much esteem. They were qualified as the guardians under the guidance of government. Freedom, more especially, freedom of expression in Plato’s conception was determined by one’s intellectual capacity. Men are not independent of each other but they cooperate with one another in order to produce the necessaries for the common good of the society. Each and everyone exercise his freedom in his social class for the common good but those who possess the intellectual capacity are the ones who should be over the others because they possess knowledge. Plato speaks of the ideal community in which each individual should contribute and participate in order to reach the common good.

  

 Aristotle (384-322)

 

Aristotle described the notion of freedom in comparison with the actual society. “The parts of household management correspond to the person who composed the household. A complete household consists of slaves and freemen.”[2] The society is composed of men, women and children and none of them are equal and free. Man in Aristotle’s view is considered as a master of the society and he is the one who should rule. No one could pretend to be over him. Aristotle emphasizes the authority of man in the society and neglects the presence of women. Women in Aristotle’s conception are considered as slaves depending totally on their masters.

The masters have the power of doing violence and one superior in brute strength while women are there just to obey everything from their masters because men are the only ones who can be free and exercise their freedom over the slaves. The male children have something to say in the society but they are still immature in many things. They are not totally considered as salves. The freemen manifest their freedom in commanding and imposing their viewpoints to others. Indeed, Aristotle distinguishes two kinds of classes. The first class belongs to the slaves who always have to be under the control of the others where as the second class is the class of freemen, who possess power. This implies that there is a “giving order” process to one side and a “following order” on the other side.

 

1.2 Freedom in Medieval Period

 

 Saint Augustine (354-430)

       

Augustine tried to explain explicitly the notion of freedom in using two Latin words: liberum arbitrium and libertas. Man by nature was created by God to be free and to have dominion and power over all other creatures but not over his fellow man. The lack of freedom is a kind of slavery, which does not exist at all in God’s will. Man possesses in him liberum and libertas. The choice to be disobedient in the garden led him to the loss of libertas. When man lost his freedom, he became a slave of sin because he had been created freely. By using badly his libertas, he discovers that he is not free. His freedom is dying to sin. “ By nature, as God created us, no one is the slave either of man or of sin. This servitude is, however, penal, and is appointed by the law which enjoins the preservation of natural order and forbids its disturbance.”[3] God’s will in creating us was that we could live equal and free. No one should pretend to be superior over another so that we can reach this liberum arbitrium and libertas.

Augustine seems to assume that even now the individuals are in possession of this liberum arbitrium though it is weak or diminished. There is still some autonomy left to the will in such a way that one can even choose a disordered love, something that God in no way causes directly. God seems to be a co-causer of good choices only. In the performance of evil actions one merely says no to God’s will. Church fathers and great theologians of the middle Ages were thoroughly aware of a double problem that existed on the notion of freedom. That is, The libertas Christiana (the freedom of Christians), as the primacy of grace, and the liberum arbitrium as the more limited question of our human free will inside the moment of grace. God’s will is to see the individuals equal so that they can reach the heavenly home. This should follow that in the same line of their freedom, they should have the facilities to express themselves in a very free way.

 

  Saint Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274)

      

In his philosophy of freedom, St Thomas seems to bring out some clarifications. Thomas speaks about the state of innocence in comparison to freedom of expression. The state of innocence is the only real state, in which people are equal and free and no one has authority over the other. St Thomas used the term liberty instead of using freedom, which have the same meaning. “ Liberty is one of the chief goods and would not have been lacking in the state of innocence.”[4] Equality and freedom are the elements that promote the common good of the state of innocence. Each individual should be free in acting as a freeman and keep him alive. Thomas did not consider mastership as a concept opposed to slavery. This is in the sense that the master has to consider the slave as his equal though logically speaking; the slave has to be subjected to him. In other words, there are neither masters nor slaves in the state of innocence otherwise we could not talk about equality of people and liberty more especially on the expressive level. “Man is the master of a free subject by directing him either towards his proper welfare, or to the common good and such kind of mastership have existed in the state of innocence between man and man.”[5] Man by nature was born free and the state of innocence helps him to develop and to use his freedom in the proper way for the common good and to promote a good life in the society. Although we were created differently, some with many talents and others without, those having should use their talents as a precious gift that conduced to the benefit of others and the promotion of the society.

 

1.3 Freedom in Modern Period

 

  Rene Descartes (1596-1650)

 

In Descartes’ view, freedom of expression is no longer the result of harmony cooperation between the intellect and will, but is the expression of a blind will to do, to act. In speaking of freedom Descartes refers to God and to man. Freedom is the greatest perfection of man. When we are thinking of freedom in God, truly speaking, this means the absolute freedom, which is operated with essences and truths as well as with the existences. “Freedom is in some way infinite in man too; in the way it is in him the mark of the creator. Man can oppose the clearly known good simply to assert his freedom.”[6] Indeed, the notion of freedom is based on the intellect and will in order to prove the existence of God. In fact, man is considered as a mediator of this. The reason is that while the human intellect is finite, it is proper to the nature of will to have a very large aperture, and the perfection of man is of acting freely and consciously. This freedom is in our will that which help us to choose and use our freedom properly as human being. According to Descartes this notion of freedom is innate to us.

 

 Emmanuel Kant (1724-1804)

        

In speaking of freedom of expression Kant tries to understand it through human society as an environment in which men are born and exercise independently their notion of right and their expression. In that society, there should be a law, which everyone should follow.

“There is, indeed, an innate equality belonging to every man which consists in his right to be independent of being bound by others to anything more than that to which he may also reciprocally bind them.”[7] Equality and freedom constitute the key points of the universal law.

 Furthermore, human freedom is caused by his free will. The will to do whatever he wants even to create his moral law that he can only follow himself rather than to be imposed by someone else. This is because all are equal and free in using their expression; no one has power on the other in the society. Everybody has something to say and within or outside the society. In a clearer way, the power does not belong to particular individual in the society rather everyone has the power as a member of common wealth. Kant concludes that according to the way things appear to us in the society, we are not free (phenomena), our actions are determined and yet we must believe that the way things really are, we are free (noumenon).

 

1.4 Freedom in Contemporary Period

 

  Jean- Paul Sartre (1905-1980)

          

 For Sartre Freedom is not only the foundation of man’s essence but also the reason for which values, ends and objects are present in the world. By his freely chosen projects, man puts order into the things of the world, he makes the world a universe and he alone gives meaning to being. Sartre stresses a little on the problem of freedom of man. If man lacks consciousness, his life is obviously not free. “What we call freedom is, thus, impossible to distinguish from being of the human reality.”[8] Man exists first and has the capacity to make his essence. Human freedom precedes the essence and makes it possible.

That is why Sartre states “existence precedes essence.”[9] Man possesses the capacity to make himself to become dependent of himself in connection with his own choice. In Sartre’s conception, man is condemned to be free. No one can choose to be free or not to be. By nature man is free in the sense that he is conscious of his own existence and of all things of the world. Therefore man is totally free. He can give a reason for his own existence by consciously making himself to be a kind of man he has freely decided to be. It is clear that human freedom is to be upheld in order to create a value that could be based on the society. Freedom in Sartre’s view is one of the essential elements of man, which helps him to make a distinction between man described as pure act, and his freedom is designated as absolute.

In conclusion, the concept freedom has various meaning as we have seen so far according to its periods. The classical thinkers oriented their attention on moral freedom while in the medieval period freedom has got another meaning, which is freedom in God in calling men to salvation. However, in Modern period, freedom has got another significance with Kant who conceived it as an attribute of the noumenal or intelligible self and in Contemporary period, the concept freedom was much used with different meaning. Freedom was understood by Sartre as consciousness and defines human essence.

Going with this understanding, there is a possibility to say that this understanding was not enough for individual’s life. In the following chapter, the main concern will be freedom of expression in Mill’s understanding. In this chapter, freedom of expression should be understood as the right of an individual to express or communicate in a more or less public way his view without interference from other individuals or groups with authority. That is the way freedom of expression should be understood. Mill was much influenced by the theory of the greatest happiness, which led all Utilitarians to speak about human freedom.

 

 

 


2. John Stuart Mill’s Freedom of Expression

 

Truly speaking, Mill was concerned with the problem of society as was Bentham especially by showing how the individual and the government should be related. It is out of this context that Mill has tried to develop his philosophical understanding of freedom of expression, which is the main concern of this essay. Thus, this chapter will survey the individual’s freedom of expression, social freedom of expression and political freedom of expression. However, for a better understanding of these notions, we should turn to Mill’s historical background, his writings and belief, and his unique version of Utilitarianism.

 

2.1 Historical background

 

            John Stuart Mill was born in 1806. He had an intense private education offered by his father James Mill, the stern Utilitarian. Mill at the age of three learned Greek; at seven he studied the Dialogue of Plato; at eight he had studied logic; and by thirteen political economy. At the age of seventeen he was writing articles. But such intense application led, at the age twenty to a severe emotional disturbance. His health finally was restored by his discovery of beauty, art and music. After Mill had written most of his important books he served in the house of commons (1865-1868), where he stood with radicals, principally on the extension of right to vote. Mill independently proposed women’s suffrage and proportional representation.

 

2.2 Writings and Beliefs

 

            Mill at the age of fifteen became familiar with Bentham’s ideas and these had a decisive influence on him. Starting from Bentham’s principle that the good of the society lies in that which brings the greatest happiness to the largest number, the philosophical radicals agitated for repeal of the grain tariff, removal of the causes of over population, extensive free education, prison reform, religious liberty, freedom of labor unions, and the improvement of workers condition in the factories. His most important philosophical works include his System of Logic (1843), The principle of Political Economics (1848), Thoughts on Parliamentary Reform (1859), On Liberty (1859), Utilitarianism (1863), Examination of Sir William Hamilton’s Philosophy (1865), and The Subjection of Women (1869).

 

2.3 Mill’s Version of Utilitarianism

 

           In his famous essay, Utilitarianism, Mill aims at defending the principle of Utility, which he learned from his father and Bentham. In defense against its critics, he made many changes within the theory. His qualitative version came out quite different from Bentham’s quantitative measurement. Bentham taught that pleasures differ among themselves only in their amount; that is, different ways of behaving produce only different quantities of the same pleasure. The only measurement of goodness is the amount of pleasure an act can produce. This means that all modes of behavior that produce the same amount of pleasure are equally good. He believed that quantitative measurement of pleasure was the sole test of the morality of an act. For him, goodness is not connected with any specific and particular kinds of behavior but rather only with the amount of pleasures measured by his calculus.

Mill altered Bentham’s quantitative approach and substitutes a qualitative approach. In doing so, he started first by giving a new analogy:  “It is better to be a human being dissatisfied than a pig satisfied.”[10] He meant that, human beings have faculties more elevated than an animal’s appetites. The pleasure of the intellect, of feelings, of imaginations and of moral sentiments bears a higher value than that of mere sensation. For him “ it would be absurd that while in estimating all other things, quality is considered as well as quantity, but the estimation of pleasure should be supposed to depend on quality alone.”[11] Mill’s quantitative approach holds that certain human faculties like intellect and will, if used nicely instead of pleasure alone, can be the criteria of true happiness that can lead to goodness. Therefore, pleasure is to be granted not for quantity but quality; and this is the standard of morality.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2.4 Mill’s Justification of Freedom of Expression

 

Before moving on to examine deeply what justifies really freedom of expression, first of all let us say in brief what freedom of expression means itself because freedom of expression is the main point of this paper. According to Mill, Freedom of expression is an inalienable human right and the foundation of self-government. It is permissible only if the manner of expression be temperate and if it does not pass the bounds of fair discussion.

            Mill’s freedom of expression is that kind of freedom which helps the individual to look for his own good in his own way as long as he does not attempt to deprive others of their own freedom, or impede their effort to obtain it. This freedom is a freedom from interference from government or society. The most important point in Mill’s justification of free expression is this: the individual must be free to discuss and from this discussion then truth can be found. Mill says:

 

Truth cannot be discover if men, who are fallible, place limits on What is permitted to discuss; only open discussion of ideas can lead to truth and to new knowledge.[12]

 

According to Mill truth can only be found if there is free and open discussion because for Mill true opinions are most likely to emerge through freedom of discussion. In order to make an atmosphere of free discussion the individuals must be free to express their thoughts and feelings to reach that truth. For Mill to limit free expression is to limit what is essential in human life. Civilization cannot advance without truth because the advance of society needs truth and to discover truth the individuals need freedom of expression. The chief justification of free expression according to Mill is that enables the individuals to strive to know the truth and thereby to attain the dignity of thinking beings. Furthermore, Riley summarizes Mill’s thinking as this subject in saying,

 

The real morality of public discussion, he emphasizes, involves a disposition to distinguish between what a person says and how he says it. Complete liberty ought to be granted to both the content and the manner of expression, with the usual caveat about expression, which is not reasonable, classed as self-regarding. But observers must develop the capacity to see the truth in what a person says, and separate that truth from how he says it.[13]

 

Mill values more than simply having true opinions. Rather, he values the way in which the truth is held. Mill wants people to hold their opinions in a rational manner, with knowledge of the significance of these opinions and the grounds for them, and with willingness to change or modify them in the light of new arguments and evidence. Mill therefore distinguishes between having true opinions and what he calls to know the truth. Whereas the avoidance of mistake argument stresses the value of having true opinions, both the assumption of infallibility and the necessity of error argument emphasize the importance of trying to know the truth.

Mill’s arguments of freedom of expression are based on the notion of human fallibility. But this argument is ambiguous, and depending on how it is interpreted, it in fact establishes two different connections between human fallibility and allowance of freedom of expression, and corresponding to these two connections, there are two different notions of the value of the search for truth. Sometimes Mill points to human fallibility as a reason for not suppressing an opinion because we may be mistaken, and in suppressing a purportedly false opinion, we may in fact be suppressing what in future will be shown to be true. Mill says that:

 

Let us assume that the contrary opinion is mistaken, and that we do in fact hold the true view. Nevertheless, even a true opinion can be held in different ways: it can be held openly by a mind which is always willing to change its point of view depending upon the evidence or it can be held as sheer prejudice[14].

 

For Mill those who engage in mistaken acts of suppression are often sincere men who believe in the rightness of what they are doing. Indeed our beliefs are generally and widely accepted by the rest of our society, and by the whole age, this is no guarantee that we are not mistaken. According to Mill the absence of freedom of expression also creates an atmosphere in which men fear to pursue their opinion to unorthodox and socially unacceptable conclusion. Instead they will trim their beliefs to suit the existing orthodox, and in such an atmosphere of intellectual timidity and conformity, no new beliefs will emerge to challenge prevailing views. Let’s call this avoidance of mistake argument. Its central claim is that human fallibility makes freedom of expression if we are to avoid suppressing true beliefs. This first argument should be distinguished from what may be called the assumption of infallibility argument.

          According to the infallibility argument, the opinion the individual desire to suppress may very well be false, as we claim it to be, but, as fallible beings, the individual can have no rational assurance that it is false unless there is freedom to discuss it. In “ the absence of liberty of discussion and of personal experimentation, no human can properly claim that his beliefs are warranted by the best available evidence.”[15] According to Mill’s understanding, the absence of freedom of discussion the individual is not entitled to believe that it is false, even though it may in fact be false. To claim that the individuals know it to be false is to make an implicit claim to their own infallibility. So unless there is freedom of expression fallible men can have no rational grounds for believing that their opinions are true. Mill is now no longer referring to the benefits of holding true beliefs. He has now shifted his attention to the rationality of our beliefs, and freedom of expression is defended as an indispensable condition for holding of rational beliefs.

          The assumption of infallibility is closely related to the following argument of Mills that even if an opinion is false, it would be wrong to stifle it. Let’s call this the Necessity of Error Argument. It maintains that in the absence of freedom of discussion one will not appreciate the full meaning of the opinion. The true beliefs will hold as a dead dogma. By this Mill means that the person who hold such a belief will not be properly influenced by it. He will not appreciate to any considerable degree what he is committed to when he accepted the opinion. At the same time his acceptance of this belief will prevent him from accepting other beliefs that appear to oppose it, but may in fact be no more than complementary to it. The absence of freedom of discussion also prevents us from knowing the ground of the opinion.  Mill says to support this argument that: “complete liberty of thought and discussion is the only way fallible being can hope to develop the capacities required to infer, an retain a lively understanding of warranted beliefs.” Men will hold on to a belief quite independently of the balance of arguments and evidence for and against it. Their belief will therefore be held in a rigid and dogmatic way, and they are unable to adapt it to changing circumstances. So for Mill only through free expression and discussion that the individual can discover the truth.

           In summary, in Mill’s understanding of freedom of expression, truth is found only if the individuals are free to discuss. From that discussion, then, truth may emerge. In addition to that Mill emphasizes the role of society in reaching that truth. According to him the society has a right to help the individuals to develop their power and his free expression. The following section will be dealing with the limitation of free expression.

 

2.5 Mill’s Limitation of Freedom of Expression

 

          As shown in the first section, true opinions are most likely to emerge through free expression and free discussion. This is a very strong defense of freedom of expression. Mill’s analysis in this section on limitation rather sophisticated and his approach to morality manages somehow we balance X and Y the interests of Utilitarianism where limitation of freedom of expression becomes a cornerstone of man’s search for knowledge and truth.

          After knowing the truth Mill says the individual should use it wisely for the benefit of the society. The society says Mill must balance the competing benefits of the right to free expression against the wider interest of the society. Thus, in times of war Mill accepts that media reports may be censored or otherwise restricted in the interests of national security much more readily than we do during times of peace and stability. We measure the interest of privacy of the individual against the interest of expression to develop a law of defamation, which should protect both sides, and we restrict freedom of a certain groups, such as these who preach racial disharmony and hatred in order to encourage harmony and peace within community but according to Mill “the community has no right to coerce the individual simply for his own good.”[16] For example when the individuals within the society agree to allow the state or other authority to command them on a certain issue, tolerance of a restriction on the right to expression may emerge and this may lead to the development of law such as the official secret act which was developed in England during the period before the First World War against a background of mistrust and introspection.

Mill claims that the individuals need the fullest freedom of expression to push their arguments to their logical limit, although not to the limit of social embarrassment. According to Mill such freedom is necessary simply because it helps the individuals to strive to find the truth and to attain the dignity of thinking beings as was shown in the previous section. Mill suggests that the individuals need some rules of conduct that regulate the action and words of members of a political community. The limitation that Mill places on free expression is one very simple principle. Mill uses the harm principle to limit freedom of expression. The principle itself states that:

 

The only purpose for which power can be rightly exercised over the members of a civilized community, against their will is to prevent harm to others.[17]

 

According to Mill the individuals have some limitations in using their freedom, for example, when this freedom is used to harm others in their affairs. Another example is drinking alcohol. The act itself is good but when it pushes the individuals to harm others Mill allows placing a limitation. Freedom of expression itself as Mill mentioned above must not deprive others of their freedom but rather must help each and everyone to develop his power and his free expression for the common good of the society. This is the ultimate aim of Mill’s Utilitarianism principle. The aim of this principle is to procure the greatest happiness to the largest number of people.

          Mill in trying to make a limitation on free expression, he distinguishes between legitimate and illegitimate harm. And it is only when expression causes a direct and clear violation of right that it can be limited. There are so many examples to support Mill’s idea. Other examples where the harm principle may apply include libel laws, blackmail, advertising blatant untruth about commercial products, advertising dangerous products to children (e.g.

Cigarettes) and securing truth in contracts. In most cases freedom of expression has its limits when it passes the bound of fair discussion.

 The following section will focus more on the application of freedom of expression after analyzing the justification and the limitation of freedom of expression.

 

2.6 Mill’s Application of Freedom of Expression in Society

 

          Truly speaking, Mill’s theory of freedom of expression can be applied only to human beings capable of spontaneous progress, which is self-development guided by their own judgement and inclination. In Mill’s understanding, freedom as such has no application to any state of things after to the time when mankind became capable of being improve by free and equal discussion. In the previous section Mill places a limitation on free expression based on the harm principle. From this understanding he is going to demonstrate how the notion of freedom of expression is not applicable to children. According to Riley, Mill argues as follows:

 

The liberty principle in the case of parent control over their children. His liberty maxim evident does not apply to children per se: anyone not yet capable of rational persuasion and self development requires to be taken care of by others, for his own good.[18]

 

Freedom of expression according to Mill is not applied to children even if their actions are harmless to others. It is only applied to those who have some minimal capacity for self-development. Others must substitute their judgement and inclination to help him to develop his capacities, or at least protect him from self-harm as well as injury at the hands of others. Thus, freedom of expression is not applied to children, young person below the age, which the law may fix as that of manhood or womanhood. Those who are in a state still requiring being taken care of by others.

          However, according to Mill the society has no right to prevent competent individuals from snorting cocaine, bungy jumping, or practicing unsafe sex, although it may have a duty to inform the individuals of the risks so that the individuals may apply their freedom of expression for the common good of the society.

 

The society can legitimately take precautions against accident, for example, by forcing the individuals to attend to a warning of the risk he incurs when he crosses a dangerous bridge or uses toxic drugs.[19]

 

According to Mill in a free society there is a strong presumption that the individuals should be able to express themselves freely and more especially in relation to public issues. The society plays an important role in individual’s life. It is really about how far individuals in society should be protected against what is perceived as the exercise of powers. offset or minimize those costs through taxation and education.

          We saw that Mill maintained that truth could only be found through free expression and free discussion. After finding the truth Mill wants the individuals to hold their opinion and rational grounds to change or modify them in the light of new arguments and evidence. Mill gives further this argument. He admires rational and intellectually active men, and freedom of expression and discussion are necessary for raising even the persons of ordinary intellect to something of the dignity of thinking being. For Mill thinking beings are those who seek to know the truth, and who are not afraid of pursuing an idea to whatever conclusion it leads. They adopt a certain attitude towards evidence and arguments, which commits them to accept freedom of discussion so that all those who disagree with them will be allowed their opposing views. A free atmosphere is necessary if there are to be thinking men, and thinking men would want freedom of expression both for themselves and for others.

 

Free thought and discussion are accepted as the sole way in which truth can be acquired by rational being, however, someone might go on to object that it is only necessary for some instructed elite, rather than mankind in general, to go through the process.[20]

 

In fact, Mill cherishes freedom of expression for all the individuals but emphasizes a bite about the rational beings that he calls elite.                                            Certainly he recognizes that the intellectual powers and abilities of men differ greatly, and he believes that the intellectual elite of the society has a   special contribution to make and freedom is not for them alone but for every human being. Indeed, it goes so far as to say explicitly that the chief benefit of freedom of expression lies in what can do for the average human beings. Mill suggests free expression and discussion so that the individual may reach the truth.

 

2.7 Mill’s Application of Freedom of Expression in Politics

 

          Mill in defending free expression in politics assumes that it is no longer necessary to restate its political function in protecting citizens from the operations of corrupt and tyrannical government. Instead, he is particularly concerned to establish a case for the freedom to express unpopular views, which go against the prevailing public opinions.

In relation to political freedom of expression, Bentham accepted democracy as the best form of government because according to him the purposes of the rulers and ruled are almost the same. Bentham had an implicit faith in democracy. Mill agrees with him on that point but Mill also saw a certain danger inherent in democracy.

          In fact, according to Mill in a democratic form of government, the will of the people is most often the will of the majority, and it is entirely possible for the majority to oppress the minority. So the majority always has more power than the minority. There is a danger of oppression and “when this power is allowed to develop unchecked, it may lead to a form of tyranny as evil as any kind of despotism, tyranny of the majority over the minority.”[21] The only purpose for which power can be rightly exercise over any member of the civilized community against this will is to allow free expression and to prevent harm to others. The state has a right to protect the individuals from being murdered and to punish those who do. The state may also have a right to protect the individuals from actions that threaten the general health through environment legislation or pollution controls or product labeling.

          In short, Mill from his historical background developed the principle of Utilitarianism to procure the greatest happiness for the largest number of people. From this principle, Mill summarizes that truth can only be found if the individual’s freedom of expression is given to that individual because true opinions are most likely to emerge through free expression and discussion.

           The previous chapter explained freedom of expression in detail and their implication in politics and in society but the following will try to make a synthesis of the first and the second chapter in making some kind of comparison between Mill and the previous philosophers mentioned already.

 

 


3. Evaluation

         

Generally speaking, the first chapter was dealing with the concept of freedom from the classical period up to the Contemporary period. The second chapter focused on Mill’s ideas of freedom of expression. This chapter is going to give a short synthesis of the first and the second chapter comparing different thinkers mentioned already. Plato and Aristotle represent the mentality that existed in the ancient period about freedom while Mill represents a contemporary thinker.

 

3.1 Mill and the Classical Period

 

In fact, Plato and Aristotle can be compared to Mill in political liberty. Plato and Aristotle regard democracy as the type of constitution most favorable to freedom because it gives the equality of citizenship to all freeborn men while Mill argues for universal suffrage to give equal freedom to all men, for all who are born equal. But neither representative government nor democratic suffrage is sufficient to guarantee the liberty of the individual and his freedom of thought or action.

          Plato and Aristotle’s freedom was conditioned by one’s rational capacity whereas Mill’s freedom was for the entire individual. For Mill freedom of expression is a right of each individual whether or not. For Plato and Aristotle only a small class of elites are citizens and share in the responsibilities of ruling, while the majority of people are slaves, doing manual work to maintain the city and to produce the necessary goods. According to Mill freedom is for all. But freedom of discussion, he agues with Plato when he writes:

           

Is only for some instructed elite, rather than mankind in general, to go through the process. Concerning for the sake of argument that there is nothing to be said against such a division of society into a rational elite and non rational mass, that objection still does not touch the claim that complete liberty of thought and expression is essential for the elite.[22]

 

For Mill the instructed elites have many talents to bring to the community for average human being. But he did not neglect others. According to him each and every one has something to contribute so that life can be livable.

          Mill is like Plato and Aristotle in sense that their notion of freedom does not apply to children simply because they still immature. The society must take care of them in any case. That is, in brief, Mill in classical period. The following section is going to situate Mill in Medieval period in the understanding of Thomas Aquinas and Augustine.

 

3.2 Mill and Medieval Period

 

          In the classical period, as it is shown in the previous section, freedom as such was very stifled by rationality. In the classical period, freedom was conditioned by one’s intellectual capacities. From this understanding the medieval thinkers, more especially Aquinas and Augustine, tried to see this understanding in the opposite sense. Freedom changed its meaning in this period. Let us see how Mill can be compared to these medieval thinkers.

          In fact, Aquinas and Augustine are like Mill, in the sense that according to them freedom of expression is the basic element in individual’s life which promotes the common good of society. Without free expression and equality among individuals there is no freedom at all. To support this idea Mill would say, “the only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs or impede their efforts to obtain it.”[23] Mill praises liberty as an ultimate good, both for individual and for the state. Both agree that freedom led to the common good of the society.

          For Aquinas and Augustine, unlike Mill, freedom cannot exist without grace because grace is addressed only to free man. For Aquinas and Augustine, “to be able to do evil is a proof of free choice; to be able not to do evil is also a proof of free choice.”[24] The individual who in general is completely strengthened by grace is also the freest. Therefore, liberty is to serve Christ. Mill’s freedom is not based on God but for him freedom is acquired only through free expression and open discussion. Mill disagrees with them by maintaining that the individual’s freedom is innate.

 

 

 

 

 

 

3.3 Mill and Modern Period

 

Freedom of expression in the medieval period was based in God the Creator of man. This paragraph is going to compare Mill’s understanding of this concept freedom with Descartes and Kant.

Descartes is like Mill; both of them stress man’s freedom not to assent to a proposition when there is any room for doubt, and at the same time to allow for inevitable assent when the truth of proposition is perceived with certainty. The individual may reject error freely. But Descartes also differs from Mill; the former uses methodic doubt to justify freedom of expression, whereas the later uses the Utilitarianism principle to justify freedom of expression. According to Descartes, the “the capacity to apply methodic doubt presupposes freedom. Indeed awareness of freedom or liberty is innate idea.”[25] In Descartes’ view of freedom man is in possession of freedom and has the power of acting freely while Mill says man was born to be free but not in possession of freedom. Furthermore Mill says freedom is not innate but acquired through free discussion.

            Kant is like Mill in the sense that according to him, only the universal law can guarantee the individual freedom and equality. Because the universal laws command us to act not so that we are happy, but so that our action will be free and right. Whereas Mill from his utilitarianism principle he says the individual decides what is right by looking at the consequence or the utility of performing a particular act on a particular occasion. Kant is like Mill; in that the individuals do their duty by following the universal law those, which promote the greatest, balance of happiness of each individual. Kant speaks of freedom of will, which is innate in man; Mill, on the contrary, says man was born to be free.

 

3.4 Mill and Contemporary Period

 

          In contemporary philosophy the meaning of freedom has changed completely with Sartre. In this period, freedom was understood in a strict sense. Sartre stresses the absolute freedom of man. According to him man is condemned to be free. To support this statement he says “I am condemned to exist forever beyond my essence, beyond the causes and motives of my act.”[26] Man in Sartre’s conception is totally free because he finds himself thrown into the world. While in Mill’s understanding, freedom is not in the absolute sense Sartre mentioned. For Mill, man was born to be free. Mill’s freedom of expression is acquired only when there is free expression and discussion and from that discussion then truth may emerge. Sartre says:

 “The existence precedes the essence.” Man in Sartre’s view is self-consciousness, which makes him to be independent from any interference. But Mill says the same thing in a different way.

Mill’s freedom of expression helps the individual to be equal and independent so that he can achieve the greatest happiness for the largest number of people. Sartre is Mill in the sense that both are claiming freedom

of man but in different way.                                                                     


CONCLUSION

 

According to my own observation I am going to give a conclusion of this paper after having understood. In fact, in many new, free and independent countries, the leaders pay scant attention to the individual’s freedom. The individual liberty is the freedom from interference from other people, most especially, freedom from undue interference from government. As an ideal it assumes that some areas of an individual’s life ought never to be interfered with by any government. The essential individual liberties are generally held to be: freedom of expression; freedom of information; freedom of worship and the right to marry whomever one wish. The free areas, then, are the individual’s private life, and the life of thought and reason. Thus freedom of expression is important at all levels in society. Yet it is most important for government.

Generally speaking, a government, which does not know what people, feel and think is in a dangerous position. If those areas of the individual’s freedom are respected then, the individual shall enjoy freedom of expression and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people. In fact, the common justification for the restrictions upon individual’s freedom is the overriding interests of efficient government and public benefit. It is conveniently overlooked that what constitutes efficient government and public benefit are subjective concepts, the interpretation of which will be in the lands of legislator, bureaucrats and judges with human failing and feelings, lack of vision, imperfect knowledge and understanding, subjective views and personal prejudices. However, while public benefit is an important factor, the test of allowing further restrictions upon individual’s freedom should strive to be somewhat more stringent.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

Adler J. Mortimer. “Liberty,” in The Great Ideas. Ed. by Robert, Maynard

          Hutchuns (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1952), 1: 999 –1003.

Aquinas, Thomas. “Summa Theologica,” in Encyclopaedia Britanica XIX

(1952), 509-512.

Augustine. “The city of God,” in Encyclopaedia Britanica XVII (Chicago:

University of Chicago, 1952), 127- 618.

____. The History of Christian Philosophy in The middle Ages. Ed. by

          Edmund, Sutcliffe. NY: Random House, 1954.

Copleston, Frederick. A History of Philosophy. Vol IV & VIII. Great Britain:

The Newman Press, 1966.

Descartes, Rene. A History of Philosophy. Ed. by Edmund, Sutcliffe

(London: The Newman Press, 1959), 4: 139-152.

Heraty, Jack and Associates. “Freedom,” in NCE VI (1967), 95-105.

Hutchins, Maynard Robert. “Freedom,” in Encyclopaedia Britanica II

(1952), 997-999.

Micken, Richard. The Basic Work of Aristotle. NY: Random House, 1941.

Mill Stuart, John. “Utilitarianism,” in The Cambridge Companion to Mill.

          Ed. by John Skorupski (NY: Cambridge University, 1998), 257-265.

____. “On Liberty,” in Jonathan Riley. London: University College

London, 1998.

____. Political Philosophy of Mill. Ed. by Popkin H. Richard And Strol

Avrum. Great Britain: Butter worth- Heinemann Ltd., 1986.

Sartre, Jean-Paul. Existentialism and Humanism. Trans. by Philip

 Mairet. NY: Haskell House Publishers, 1948.

____. Being and Nothingness: An Essay in Phenomenological Ontology.

Trans. by Hazel E. NY: The Citadel Press, 1966.

 

 



[1] Jack Heraty & Associates, “Freedom,” in NCE 6 (Washington: The Catholic University of America, 1967). 95-105 at 95.

[2] Richard Micken, The Basic Work of Aristotle (NY: Random House, 1941), 1115-1316 at 1144.

[3] Robert Maynard Hutchins. “ The city of God,” in Encyclopedia Britanica18 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1952), 521.

[4] Thomas Aquinas, “Summa Theologica,” in Encyclopedia Britanica 19, Trans. Fathers of English Dominan Province, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins (Chicago: The Great Book, 1952), 509-512 at 512. Hereafter, Thomas Aquinas, “ Summa.”

 

[5]Thomas Aquinas, “ Summa,” 513.

[6] Jack Heraty and associates, “Freedom,” in NCE VI (Washington: The Catholic University of America, 1967), 97.

[7]Robert, Maynard Hutchins, “ Freedom,” in Encyclopedia Britanica II (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1952), 997-999 at 997.

[8] Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness, Trans by Hazel E. Barnes (NY: The citadel Press, 1966), 25. Hereafter, Sartre, Being And Nothingness.

[9] Jean-Paul Sartre, Existentialism and Humanism, Trans. by Philip Mairet (NY: Haskell House Publishers, 1948), 28.

 

[10] Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy, vol VIII (Great Britain: The Newman Press, 1966), 31.

[11] John Skorupski, “ Utilitarianism,” in The Cambridge Companion to Mill (NY: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 257.

[12]Mill, “On Liberty,” in Jonathan Riley (London: University College London, 1998), 62. Hereafter, Mill, On Liberty.

[13] Mill, On Liberty, 71.

[14] Richard H. Popkin and Avrum Strol, “Mill,” in Political Philosophy of Mill (Great Britain: Butterworth-Heinemann Ltd., 1986), 88-95 at 92. Hereafter, Richard, Philosophy of Mill.

[15]Mill, On Liberty, 175.

[16] Frederick Copleston, “ Mill on Civil Liberty and Government” in A History of Philosophy, vol VIII (Great Britain: The Newman Press, 1966), 25-49 at 41.

[17]Richard,  Philosophy of Mill, 89.

[18] Mill, On Liberty, 137.

[19] Mill, On Liberty, 122.

[20]Mill, On Liberty, 62.

[21]Richard, Philosophy oft Mill, 89.

[22]Mill, On Liberty, 62.

[23]Mortimer J. Adler, “Liberty,” in The Great Ideas. Ed by Robert Maynard Hutchuns vol I (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1952), 999.

[24]Etienne Gilson, “ Augustine,” in The history of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages (NY: Random House, 1954), 67-81 at 79.

[25] Frederick Copleston, “Descartes,” in A History of Philosophy Vol IV. Ed. by Edmund. Sutcliffe IV (London: The Newman Press, 1959), 139-152 at 139.

[26] Sartre, Being and Nothingness, 409.